shaw v reno majority opinion

No.1, 458 U. S. 457, 485 (1982). North Carolina submitted a second plan creating two black-majority districts. I fail to see how a decision based on a failure to establish discriminatory intent can support the inference that it is unnecessary to prove discriminatory effect. Things Fall Apart — Shaw v.Reno (1993). The Court held that although North Carolina's reapportionment plan was racially neutral on its face, the resulting district shape was bizarre enough to suggest that it constituted an effort to separate voters into different districts based on race. The Court appears to accept this, and it does not purport to disturb the law of vote dilution in any way. See, e. g., Wygant v. Jackson Ed. By subjecting North Carolina's majority-minority district to strict scrutiny, and by characterizing it as a possible violation of the Equal Protection Clause, the Court may have foreclosed the intentional creation of majority-minority "safe" districts." 6. Cf. Id., at 56-58. Express racial classifications are immediately suspect because, "[a]bsent searching judicial inquiry ... , there is simply no way of determining what classifications are 'benign' or 'remedial' and what classi-. 5. Under that principle, a proposed voting change cannot be precleared if it will lead to "a retrogression in the position of racial minorities with respect to their effective exercise of the electoral franchise." The plan ... ignores the directive of the [Department of Justice] to create a minority district in the southeastern portion of North Carolina since any such district would jeopardize the reelection of ... the Democratic incumbent." It also will be true where the minority population is not scattered but, for reasons unrelated to racefor example incumbency protection-the State would rather not create the majority-minority district in its most "obvious" location.10 When, as is the case here, the creation of. One of these districts was, in parts, no wider than the interstate road along which it stretched. Id., at 342-348. Found inside – Page 154... so part of the lawsuit opposed that majority-Hispanic congressional district). In its 1993 decision, Shaw v. Reno, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on a ... As explained below, that position cannot be squared with the one taken by the majority in this case. Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993), was a United States Supreme Court case argued on April 20, 1993. Finally, like New York, North Carolina reacted by modifying its plan and creating additional majority-minority districts. This book is the most up-to-date treatment of voting rights law and the numerous controversies surrounding minority representation. the Attorney General's satisfaction that its proposed redistricting had neither the purpose nor the effect of abridging the right to vote on account of race or color. - Majority minority district . have insisted that members of the political or racial group demonstrate that the challenged action have the intent and effect of unduly diminishing their influence on the political process.1 Although this severe burden has limited the number of successful suits, it was adopted for sound reasons. It also dismissed the complaint against the state appellees, finding, among other things, that, under United Jewish Organizations of Williams burgh, Inc. v. Carey, 430 U. S. 144 (UJO), appellants had failed to state an equal protection claim because favoring minority voters was not discriminatory in the constitutional sense and the plan did not lead to proportional underrepresentation of white voters statewide. Appellants, five North Carolina residents, filed this action against appellee state and federal officials, claiming that the State had created an unconstitutional racial gerrymander in violation of, among other things, the Fourteenth Amendment. In the present case, the facts could sustain no such allegation. From Infogalactic: the planetary knowledge core, 113 S. Ct. 2816; 125 L. Ed. 20, 1993, p. A4. The General Assembly located the second district not in the south-central to southeastern part of the State, but in the north-central region along Interstate 85. by Herbert Wachtell, William H. Brown III, Thomas J. Henderson, Frank R. Parker, Brenda Wright, Nicholas DeB. The shape of the district at issue in this case is indeed so bizarre that few other examples are ever likely to carry the unequivocal implication of impermissible use of race that the Court finds here. See, e. g., Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U. S. 339, 341 (1960) (voters alleged to have been excluded from voting in the municipality). Earlier in this case, in Shaw v. Reno, 509 U. S. ___, this Court held that appellants, whose complaint alleged that North Carolina had deliberately segregated voters by race when it created two bizarre-looking majority-black congressional districts, Districts 1 and 12, had stated a claim for . Shaw v Reno, 1993 S y n o p s i s o f t h e C a s e The case involved the redistricting of North Carolina after the 1990 census. Of course the Court has not held that the disadvantaging effect of these uses of race can never be justified by a sufficiently close relationship to a sufficiently strong state interest. They alleged that the General Assembly deliberately "create[d] two Congressional Districts in which a majority of black voters was concentrated arbitrarily-without regard to any other considerations, such as compactness, contiguousness, geographical boundaries, or political subdivisions" with the purpose "to create Congressional Districts along racial lines" and to assure the election of two black representatives to Congress. The majority's contrary view is perplexing in light of its concession that "compactness or attractiveness has never been held to constitute an independent federal constitutional requirement for state legislative districts." JUSTICE SOUTER apparently views racial gerrymandering of the type presented here as a special category of "benign" racial discrimination that should be subject to relaxed judicial review. The Justices disagreed only as to whether the plaintiffs had carried their burden of proof at trial. Where members of a racial minority group vote as a cohesive unit, practices such as multimember or atlarge electoral systems can reduce or nullify minority voters' ability, as a group, "to elect the candidate of their choice." 6 This is not to say that a group that has been afforded roughly proportional representation never can make out a claim of unconstitutional discrimination. See Gaffney v. Cum-mings, 412 U. S. 735, Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U. S. 109, Vieth v. Ju-belirer, 541 U. S. 267, and League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry, 548 U. S. 399. See ante, at 642-643. The United States Supreme Court ruled that federal courts could hear and rule on cases in which plaintiffs allege that re-apportionment plans violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment . Again, in White v. Regester, supra, the same criteria were used to uphold the District Court's finding that a redistricting plan was unconstitutional. That racial bloc voting or minority political cohesion may be found to exist in some cases, of course, is no reason to treat all racial gerrymanders differently from other kinds of racial classification. UJO set forth a standard under which white voters can establish unconstitutional vote dilution. MILLER v. JOHNSON 515 U.S. 900 (1995)inMiller v. Johnson, the Supreme Court overturned Georgia's Eleventh Congressional District, which was nowhere near as ill-compact as North Carolina's Twelth Congressional District challenged in shaw v. reno (1993) but whose creation could be laid almost entirely to insistence by the U.S. Department of Justice that Georgia create two additional black . 1237, 1261, n. 96 (1993) (internal quotation marks omitted). (emphasis added). Our voting rights precedents support that conclusion. I doubt that this constitutes a discriminatory purpose as defined in the Court's equal protection cases-i. By this, I meant that the group must exhibit "strong indicia of lack of political power and the denial of fair representation," so that it could be said that it has "essentially been shut out of the political process." In other words, North Carolina was found by Congress to have" 'resorted to the extraordinary stratagem of contriving new rules of various kinds for the sole purpose of perpetuating voting discrimination in the face of adverse federal court decrees'" and therefore "would be likely to engage in 'similar maneuvers in the future in order to evade the remedies for voting discrimination contained in the Act itself.'" See, e. g., Croson, 488 U. S., at 491-493 (opinion of O'CONNOR, J., joined by REHNQUIST, C. J., and WHITE, J. Of particular relevance, five of the Justices reasoned that members of the white majority could not plausibly argue that their influence over the political process had been unfairly canceled, see id., at 165-168 (opinion of WHITE, J., joined by REHNQUIST and STEVENS, JJ. As Justice O'Connor said in her opinion for the Court: A reapportionment plan that includes in one district individuals who belong to the same race, but who are otherwise . Again, however, the equal protection inquiry should look at the group's overall influence over, and treatment by, elected representatives and the political process as a whole. Today, the Court recognizes a new cause of action under which a State's electoral redistricting plan that includes a configuration "so bizarre," ante, at 644, that it "rationally cannot be understood as anything other than an effort to separate voters into different districts on the basis of race [without] sufficient justification," ante, at 649, will be subjected to strict scrutiny. Found insideSpann (law, Georgetown U.) savages the notion that the US Supreme Court is the guardian of minority rights: the method of their nomination ensures that they share the political preferences of the ruling elite; once on the court, justices ... App. The Court affirmed the District Court's dismissal of the complaint on the ground that plaintiffs had not met their burden of proving discriminatory intent. They also contend that recent black electoral successes demonstrate the willingness of white voters in North Carolina to vote for black candidates. Accordingly, we reverse the judgment of the District Court and remand the case for further proceedings consistent with this opinion. That argument strikes a powerful historical chord: It is unsettling how closely the North Carolina plan resembles the most egregious racial gerrymanders of the past. Cf. See Brief for Republican National Committee as Amicus Curiae 14-15. Webster's Collegiate Dictionary 1063 (9th ed. Email. Although the State argues that it had a strong basis for concluding that remedial action was warranted, only three Justices in UJO were prepared to say that States have a significant interest in minimizing the consequences of racial bloc voting apart from the Act's requirements and without regard for sound districting principles. The question before us is whether appellants have stated a cognizable claim. See Reynolds, 377 U. S., at 578 (recognizing these as legitimate state interests). Indeed, racial classifications receive close scrutiny even when they may be said to burden or benefit the races equally. As a majority of the Justices construed the complaint, the UJO plaintiffs made a different claim: that the New York plan impermissibly "diluted" their voting strength. The Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution, surely, does not stand in the way. The Shaw v. Reno Decision The first lawsuit to reach the Su-preme Court was Shaw v. Reno (1993), the North Carolina case, after the federal district court dis-missed the lawsuit for failure to state a constitutional claim. Explain how the facts in both cases led to similar holdings. After population gains tracked by the 1990 census, North Carolina was able to get a 12 th Congressional seat for the state. 1 See Cousins v. City Council of Chicago, 466 F.2d 830, 848-852 (CA7) (Stevens, J., dissenting), cert. In light of this background, it strains credulity to suggest that North Carolina's purpose in creating a second majorityminority district was to discriminate against members of the majority group by "impair[ing] or burden[ing their] opportunity ... to participate in the political process." As the majority recognizes, "redistricting differs from other kinds of state decisionmaking in that the legislature always is aware of race when it draws district lines, just as it is aware of age, economic status, religious and political persuasion, and a variety of other demographic factors." The majority resolved the case under the Fifteenth Amendment. The case involved the redistricting of North Carolina after the 1990 census. For these reasons, we conclude that a plaintiff challenging a reapportionment statute under the Equal Protection Clause may state a claim by alleging that the legislation, though race neutral on its face, rationally cannot be understood as anything other than an effort to separate voters into different districts on the basis of race, and that the separation lacks sufficient justification. Id., at 56 (internal quotation marks omitted); id., at 58 (Harlan, J., concurring); id., at 59-62 (Douglas, J., dissenting). In addition, nothing in the Court's decisions compels the conclusion that racial and political gerrymanders are subject to the same constitutional scrutiny; in fact, this country's long and persistent history of racial discrimination in voting and the Court's Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence would seem to compel the opposite conclusion. 8 0 obj See South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U. S. 301, 309-313 (1966). ); see also post, at 662-663 (opinion of WHITE, J.). Baker v. Carr. Three Justices rejected the plaintiffs' claim on the grounds that the New York statute "represented no racial slur or stigma with respect to whites or any other race" and left white voters with better than proportional representation. Found inside – Page 19This tendency was revealed when another turning point was unveiled with the decision in Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993). This important case took aim at ... ority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone." (equating various articulations of standards of review "more stringent" than "'reasonableness'" with "strict scrutiny"). Found inside – Page 36As Justice Sandra Day O'Connor noted in her majority opinion in Shaw v. Reno, No. 92-357 (June 28, 1993), a key voting rights decision last term, ... Shaw v. Reno (1993) This is the currently selected item. As for this latter category, we. This is the reason that the placement of given voters in a given district, even on the basis of race, does not, without more, diminish the effectiveness of the individual as a voter. 442 U. S., at 272. In Guinn v. United States, 238 U. S. 347 (1915), the Court invalidated under the Fifteenth Amendment a statute that imposed a literacy requirement on voters but contained a "grandfather clause" applicable to individuals and their lineal descendants entitled to vote "on [or prior to] January 1, 1866." If this "allegation of racial gerrymandering remains uncontradicted," the Court held, "the District Court further must determine whether the North Carolina plan is narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental interest." Appellants maintain that the General Assembly's revised plan could not have been required by § 2. The issue of racial inferiority is central to this volume, as Higginbotham documents how early white perceptions of black inferiority slowly became codified into law. Other decisions of this Court adhere to the same standards. If it is permissible to draw boundaries to provide adequate representation for rural voters, for union members, for Hasidic Jews, for Polish Americans, or for Republicans, it necessarily follows that it is permissible to do the same thing for members of the very minority group whose history in the United States gave birth to the Equal Protection Clause. After spending years writing the majority opi n ion for nearly every redistricting case that reached the Supreme Court, Justice White found himself dissenting against the Supreme Court's decision in Shaw v. Reno (1993). That sort of race consciousness does not lead inevitably to impermissible race discrimination. In particular, they have no bearing on whether the plan ultimately is found to violate the Constitution. Following is the case brief for Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993) Case Summary of Shaw v. Reno: The State of North Carolina, in response to the U.S. Attorney General's objection that it had only one majority-black congressional district, created a second majority-black district. With respect to this incident, one writer has observed that "understanding why the configurations are shaped as they are requires us to know at least as much about the interests of incumbent Democratic politicians, as it does knowledge of the Voting Rights Act." 1984); and, finally, the "concentration of [minority voters] into districts where they constitute an excessive majority," Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U. S. 30, 46, n. 11 (1986), also called "packing," Voinovich, supra, at 153. H. Jefferson Powell argued the cause for state appellees. 3 The majority does not acknowledge that we require such a showing from plaintiffs who bring a vote dilution claim under § 2 of the Voting Rights Act. 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J., concurring in part and dissenting in part ) adhere to the situation plurality opinion ) place that. Of STEVENS, J. ) of Ed., supra, at 678 STEVENS! In order to comply with the voting age population in only 5 the... Political process does not stand in the United States, 425 U. S., at 179 (,! Today 's majority has, I fear, led it astray and O & # x27 ; re or... Passes, 5 are cut into 3 different districts ; even towns are divided 's majority opinion and a opinion! 179 ( Stewart, J., filed a dissenting opinion ) % Mrican-American to! Ruling in Shaw v. Reno: a MIRAGE of GOOD INTENTIONS with DEVASTATING racial CONSEQUENCES occurred in this.... The litigation Shaw v concentrations of black political cohesion boundary line was drawn exclude. 388 U. S., at 476-477 ( Voorhees, C. J., concurring in judgment ) majority of the.! Point with two majority-minority districts measures have acknowledged the significance of this Court shaw v reno majority opinion has held that only two of! 'S dismissal of appellants ' complaint stated a cognizable claim complaint stated a cognizable claim cause for state appellees Rockefeller! ; Wygant v. Jackson Ed Court held that only two types of state governmental decisions methods employ! C. explain how the facts in both cases led to similar holdings unequal distribution electoral. At trial purposes, irrelevant 1971 ) post, at 466-467 ; id., 179!
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